by Dan Morgan

On the 11^th September 1973, Chile changed dramatically and profoundly. It was plunged into a long period of mass arrests, torture and imprisonments, with selective disappearance and murder of opponents of fascism. Following the coup, Chile was the first place where capitalism with elements of state intervention and welfare was replaced by harsh neoliberal capitalism. This was only possible at the point of a gun, the guns of the police and armed forces, with no mercy for any opposition.

The first aim, however, was to smash the popular movement that had created a threat to capitalism itself – Popular Unity, the base for the government led by President Salvador Allende. How did this movement become such a threat, and was it possible that it could have succeeded? 

THE INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT 

In 1970 the world was still in the period of de-colonisation. There was armed struggle in Portugal’s African colonies; South Africa was fighting Apartheid; newly independent countries had formed the non-aligned movement, and several of them spoke of moving to socialist or ‘non-capitalist’ development. The Soviet Union and other socialist countries still had a strong appeal for these forces, and were supporting several movements for national or economic liberation.

In Latin America the Cuban revolution inspired many sections of the masses across the region. Anti-imperialist feeling was running high. One response of the USA was Kennedy’s “Alliance for Progress”, aid given to reformist governments to try and hinder the growth of revolutionary movements. (1) The Alliance for Progress had some effect in Chile. I lived in a small housing estate of 160 houses, built in 1962 by a cooperative of ‘Catholic Worker Youth’, with the crucial help of a million dollars.

THE CHILEAN CONTEXT 

Prior to the victory of Allende and Popular Unity, Chile had a strong tradition of class struggle. The Communist Party in Chile had strong roots in the working class. The Socialist Party was formed in 1933, after a short-lived ‘Socialist Republic’ led by officers from the Air Force. It won support in the working class, although its roots were deeper in the progressive and revolutionary middle strata. Allende was a founder of the Socialist Party but always saw the need for communist-socialist unity.

Chile elected a Popular Front government in 1938 which improved education and started some industrialisation. However, with the start of the cold war in 1947 a president elected with strong communist support banned the party at the behest of Washington.

Allende stood unsuccessfully for President in 1952 and almost won in 1958. By 1964, millions of dollars had been spent to promote the reformist Christian Democrat Party (PDC), and its promise of a ‘Revolution in Liberty’. Thus its leader Eduardo Frei was elected, and Allende suffered a severe defeat.

Throughout this time the class struggle continued. Some reforms did take place, notably the agrarian reform law in 1967 and a sort of half-way house ‘Chileanisation’ of the big copper mines. For the first time rural workers had the right to form legal unions and as land reform progressed, more and more unions were created – dominated either by the PDC or by left parties. Repression of workers’ movements continued however, and the people wanted more. There were successful struggles by university and secondary students for education reforms. There was the huge progressive cultural movement, especially in music with the rise of Victor Jara, Quilapayun, Inti-Illimani, Patricio Manns, Violeta Parra and her children, and a host of others. All left-wing, and many of them communists. Important sections of the PDC itself moved to the left, and many of its youth section broke away to form the MAPU party.

POPULAR UNITY

So in 1969 the Chilean left had experience of winning battles, the political climate was good, and there was the basis for a broad movement of the organised working class and progressive, often anti-imperialist middle strata. Popular Unity – Unidad Popular (UP) - was formed in 1969. Following the strategy of the Communist Party, this was an alliance based on the communist and socialist parties but including the middle-class Radical Party, which had moved to the left, social democrats, and MAPU.

The Popular Unity programme was for progressive reforms, with the idea of forming a solid majority for moving to socialism, including a new constitution and structural change. It was anti-imperialist, so all natural resources would be nationalised. Cuba and all the socialist countries were to be recognised and economic relations developed. It was anti the big land owners, latifundistas, so agrarian reform would be speeded up and completed. It was anti-oligarchy, so strategic industries would be nationalised, with strong workers’ participation in management. The election programme was one of reforms – not revolutionary changes but important measures to improve democracy and people’s lives.

In the 1970 election, Allende faced right wing Alessandri, (president 1958 to 1964) and the Christian Democrat Radomiro Tomic. The CIA poured money into the campaign to stop Allende but were not so keen on Tomic, whose programme was not that different from Allende’s. So Alessandri was promoted to beat Allende. But on September 4th Allende got 36% of the vote, Allessandri 34% and Tomic 28% (2). There was no second round vote, but the Congress had to ratify Allende’s victory.

US President, Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger met immediately to plan how to stop this – an all-out effort. When Allende took office, the famous phrase was spoken: “Make the economy scream!”. Millions of dollars were poured into the destabilisation effort, including for the leading pro-imperialist newspaper, El Mercurio, also radio and other media, fascist organisation and strikes etc. (3) (4) One result was the assassination of René Schneider, the Army Commander-in-Chief, to try to provoke a military coup. He was a ‘constitutionalist’ general, and himself strongly opposed the idea of a coup to prevent Allende becoming president.

Then PDC congressmen made Allende sign a ‘Statute of Constitutional Guarantees’ aimed at limiting his room to make major changes in government, as a condition for getting their votes.

VICTORY 

So eventually, on 4^th November, Allende was sworn into office. Another ‘constitutionalist’ general, Carols Prats, become army Commander-in-Chief. Despite severe US economic sanctions, the first year went well and wages increased substantially. Increased demand led to industries working at capacity, and unemployment fell.

The 40 measures of the UP program began to be implemented. The most notable – half a litre of milk a day (usually as powder) for all school children. Allende, as a doctor, knew the harm done by malnutrition. A wide-ranging agreement with the CUT, the trade union centre was one of the first things. As the song said: “Because this time it’s not about changing a President, the people will build a very different Chile.” The cultural atmosphere was amazing, with the new song movement especially important. The Ramona Parra Brigades brought a new style to political art on the walls of the cities – black tracing filled with bright primary colours. Over 10 million books, new and classics, sold for the price of a pack of cigarettes (population of Chile about 11 million). 

The constitution was reformed to make all natural resources property of the nation – a unanimous vote, reflecting popular pressure. The big copper mines, the source of most export earnings, were nationalised. In the municipal elections of April 1971 Popular Unity won a majority – just over 50%. The banks were taken into state control, using an old legal mechanism of government ‘intervention’. 

Many other industries that passed into the social area of the economy due to pressure from the workers. A government ‘interventor’ was appointed as general manager, and management boards were elected from the workers. In the traditionally right wing south of the country, wood and forestry workers took over a plywood factory and 24 huge estates with their forests and sawmills. For two years 3,500 workers created the Panguipulli Forestry and Woodworking Complex. With the government ‘interventor’, the workers’ council managed everything in 4,200 square kilometres (5), an enormous area. The trade union leaders were communists, socialists and MIR (Left Revolutionary Movement, a small Guevarist party). MIR refused to take part in the management. Production was maintained, employment increased and conditions greatly improved. The repression after the coup was intense, dozens of the activists were massacred.

INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY 

As well as many Latin Americans who came to work, the socialist camp provided important solidarity. Fifteen thousand tractors were sold on very favourable terms: 5,000 from Czechoslovakia, 5,000 from Byelorussia and 5,000 from Rumania. The Rumanian ones were not of high quality but a neighbour of mine still keeps one running. The USSR provided a factory to make panels for building flats and a few blocks were completed and are still in use. It also provided two trawlers, which meant that the inland town where I lived had frozen fish for the first time ever.

MIDDLE CLASS OPPOSITION 

The big increase in purchasing power soon led to shortages. Many big farmers killed a lot of their cattle from fear and in revenge for Allende’s election, so after a short time beef became scarce. Queues became common. The first demonstrations occurred in Santiago in October, well-off women deigned to come down to the city centre from the ‘barrio alto’ – the high suburbs literally and figuratively – bringing their domestic servants with them.

The year 1971 saw a fateful event. In June an important leader of the PDC, Edmundo Perez Zujovic, was assassinated by a tiny, unknown ultra-left group. It had almost certainly been infiltrated by the CIA – two of its members immediately disappeared. Zujovic had been the Minister of the Interior in the previous government when there was a massacre of workers attempting to occupy land to build homes, in Puerto Montt in 1969. (6) Victor Jara wrote a song about it. Politically, the assassination was a disaster. Any chance of the government reaching agreements with the PDC vanished. The right wing of the PDC took control and another group of its left wing split away.

The first big strike took place in October – not a workers’ strike but the lorry owners who were paid well to stop work and disrupt the economy. The black market rate for dollars went down dramatically, as, it was believed, that they poured into the country from the US embassy. (7) Heroic efforts were made to move goods by rail, using many volunteers - there is a famous photo of Victor Jara loading sacks of wheat. So basic foods were transported, but the strike did enormous economic damage.

After nearly 4 weeks Allende and the UP decided the only way to solve the problem was to call for help from the armed forces. So three military men became ministers in a government of national unity. A state of emergency was called, and the strike was ended. Ministers were changed regularly anyway because the opposition impeached them, using their majority in congress. Soon after this, in another cabinet reshuffle, the military ministers were dropped. In hindsight, the Communist Party saw this as a mistake. Many officers, saw it as their being used in an opportunist way, discarded when the immediate need for them was over.

POPULAR UNITY DIVISIONS 

One of the conditions necessary for a successful revolution is a united, conscious leadership. In Chile, the biggest and strongest parties were the communist and socialist parties. The communists were very loyal - any disagreements were not made public. A majority of the socialist party, however, had voted at their 1967 congress that armed struggle was necessary. Their leader, Carlos Altamirano, made alliance with the majority of the MAPU (which split) and the MIR which had a political-military strategy. Together they promoted the unrealistic idea of moving swiftly towards a socialist revolution, with the slogan ‘Avanzar sin Transar’ – forward with no compromise. Under the influence of these ideas, businesses, even small ones, were taken over as well as farms outside the scope of the agrarian reform law.

In a situation where it was necessary to gather more political support, to show that the UP could improve people’s lives, these ultra-left moves helped create the atmosphere of chaos that the right wing wanted. Communists used the slogan ‘Win the battle of production’, to overcome shortages. The ultra-left ignored or belittled this. As the fascist forces grew, communists said ‘No to Civil War’, while ultra-lefts said ‘Win the Civil War’ – which was politically mad as well as hopelessly unrealistic.

These divisions became worse as the political crisis deepened, and were very damaging. Allende ended up very angry at his own party leaders. At the same time, the fascist movement ‘Patria y Libertad’ – Homeland and Freedom – became more daring and stronger backed by CIA money. The moves to suppress fascist subversion and sabotage were weaker than they should have been – the Communist Party later recognised it should have pressed harder for more repression. Although the main police force was not very reliable, the separate detective force was under direct government control.

CONDITIONS WORSEN 

The economic situation went from good to bad to worse. In 1972 the US sanctions began to bite and shortages of many goods increased. Prices were controlled, so many goods became available only on the black market, if at all. Toilet paper, toothpaste and cigarettes were scarce or non-existent in places, as well as meat and bread eventually. Inflation also started to become significant rising to over 300% in 1973. Wages were re-adjusted every 3 months but it was a spiral. 

At the end of 1972 the Supply and Price Council (JAP) system was set up. These were organised locally – a shopkeeper was supplied with basic foods and sold a set amount to each family, enough for the family members registered. A rationing system that worked, with a state distribution company. This was supervised by General Bachelet, our recent president, Michelle Bachelet’s father. After the coup he was imprisoned and tortured for this, dying in prison as a result.

THE COUP 

In March 1973 there were parliamentary elections. The opposition was a strong alliance of the PDC and the National Party, and they hoped for a two-thirds majority with which they could remove Allende. They failed. Popular Unity candidates got 44% of the vote. This, despite all the acute shortages, showed the strong level of political support among the people. However, as shortages became more acute and many middle class sectors turned to openly political strikes against the government.

The election result showed imperialism and the oligarchy that the only way to remove Allende was through a military coup. A premature attempt was made on 29^th June but only one regiment took part and the military leaders soon squashed it. On the 22^nd August, congress declared the government to be unconstitutional. Though illegal, this was used as the pretext for the coup. All the PDC congressmen voted for this, to avoid expulsion or because they then thought a coup was inevitable anyway. (7)

The balance of forces among the army generals moved against the government. Pressure was put on the constitutionalists and Carlos Prats, the Commander in Chief, and other generals felt forced to resign. As the economic and political situation got worse, it was decided that Allende would yield to the demand from the PDC to hold a plebiscite to decide the future of his government. He was due to announce this on the 11^th of September. Pinochet learnt this three days before, and the plans for the coup were hurriedly brought forward to prevent this chance to save the government.

The only other possibility came from the communist and socialist leaders in charge of relations with the military. They proposed bringing 10,000 young militants who had done military service into the army, to defend the government. (8) Prats said he would consider this as a last resort, but then he resigned. Allende relied on having a plebiscite and the Communist Party did not take the idea further. The plan would have caused a major political crisis but might well have averted the coup, by intimidating the coup leaders. There was a failure of specific intelligence, and all the calculations were that political moves could avert a coup.

Repression of the left started on the day of the coup itself. Allende killed himself after making one of the greatest speeches ever – he had promised not to leave the Moneda, the presidential palace, except in a coffin. Many of the defenders were killed the next day. The propaganda against Popular Unity had worked well among the military officers, and they launched a rabid campaign of revenge. Any conscripts who showed resistance were killed. All over the country, leading supporters of the government were rounded up and killed. Over the next weeks this became more selective and especially young committed leaders were picked up and eliminated. Many were ‘disappeared’ in the tactic used from then on to strike fear into all opponents.

A DIFFERENT OUTCOME? 

So could Popular Unity have been successful?  The proposal to bring thousands of young communists and socialists into the army could well have intimidated the ‘golpista’ (coup) officers. It was notable that for weeks after the coup, the military patrols in Santiago all had distinctive armbands, changed every day, to identify them as loyal to the coup. There was obviously fear of groups loyal to the government. (9) Short of that, had Allende been allowed to announce a plebiscite that also might well have dampened the polarisation, changed the balance of forces and prevented the coup. A plebiscite then would probably have led to the end of the government, new elections and a new reactionary one. However, that would not have led to the massive wave of revenge killings and torture that followed the coup. The left would have lived, literally, to fight another day.

That was the situation in September 1973. Was it possible to avoid this economic and political crisis at this time? At some point, inevitably there would have been attempts to overthrow the government. This historical law has been proven with every attempt to replace capitalism with socialism. The communist strategy was to continue adding forces to those already won, so that that those attempts would face a balance of forces disadvantageous to them.

This was difficult. The capitalists had the usual advantages: money, lots of it from the USA especially but also support from West Germany and Britain; their superior education and experience of managing the state and society; close connections to higher technical and managerial sectors and the armed forces; force of habit - the strength of bourgeois ideas in independent workers, peasants and even many workers. Faced with all these difficulties, the working class has just one great strength - its organisation. What Popular Unity achieved shows a good degree of organisation, but to win, it would have needed a strongly united leadership. With the majority of the Socialist Party leadership breaking that unity, I think the task was just too great. As the song created for Popular Unity says “The people, united, will never be defeated!”. The people disunited can be.

(1) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alliance_for_Progress

(2) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1970_Chilean_presidential_election  

(3) See the Church committee report to the US Senate. The senator responsible, Frank Church, was later dropped and vilified.

(4) See the books by Peter Kornbluh, who keeps discovering de-classified documents relating to US secret operations. https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Kornbluh

(5) Compared with British National Parks, it is 6 times the size of Exmoor, nearly twice that of Snowdonia or the Lake District, and over twice that of Loch Lomond and the Trossachs.

(6) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Massacre_of_Puerto_Montt

(7) https://www.elmostrador.cl/noticias/2023/08/22/a-50-anos-de-la-votacion-en-la-camara-que-consagro-la-inminencia-del-golpe-de-estado/

(8) Very little known or discussed, this proposal is recounted in the memoirs of Carlos Toro, in charge of the communist military organisation: “La Guardia muere, pero no se rinde ... mierda”.

(9) Seen in the excellent film Missing Costa-Garvas 1982

 

Statue of Salvador Allende in the Plaza de la Constitución, Santiago de Chile photo by Richard Espinoza

Rolls Royce engine sent by the Chilean air force, along with others, for servicing after the coup to the Rolls Royce factory in East Kilbride. Work on the engines was boycotted by the workers. The Hawker Hunter jets which attacked the Moneda Palace on the fist day of the coup, were powered by Rolls Royce engines. This one now stands in the grounds of South Lanarkshire College in East Kilbride.

Victor Jara image by Freddy Agurto Parra